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By Robert H. Haveman

Paperback, 392 pages, 6 x 0.9 x nine inches, Written through Robert H. Haveman for the Institute for study on Poverty Poverty coverage research sequence.

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The President traveled in a swarm of jets and limousines, with Secret Service men at his side, guns at the ready and dozens of reporters, electronic gear, aides, servants, courtiers, advisors. No bill becomes law without the President's signature. When it came time to sign an important bill, Johnson, as we have seen, gathered a group of notables around him— people connected with the new law in some way—and, in a burst of ceremonial generosity, he would give away dozens of pens, each one of which had some tiny share in the magic act of signing the President's name.

Who could predict the war in Vietnam, or Richard Nixon? It was not wrong to turn cities over to the automobile at a time when cities were ruled by the horse, streets were narrow, and acres and acres were given over to stables, manure, flies, and filth. DDT was not an invention of the devil. And 5 5 5 6 O n this study, see the paper in this volume by Henry M . Levin. , Justice and Reform: Legal Services Program The Formative Years in the OEO (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1974), pp. 8 4 - 9 9 .

Oceana Publications, 1966), pp. 6, 12. ed. Robinson C . Social/Political Context of the War on Poverty 37 This passage, extolling Head Start, breathes faith in social engineering. Such a faith had to go along with the idea that new techniques would supplement and ultimately replace "transfer payments"; otherwise the war on poverty was meaningless. The central statute, then, was an "economic opportunity act," not a "poverty" act, "Poverty," intoned Senator Bible of Nevada, during the debate over the bill, is not an "economic problem" for the poor; it is a "way of life, a culture.

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